Without organization, people are reduced to units of exploitation—isolated, disposable, and pitted against one another. The decline of labor power has not been accidental; it has been enforced through anti-union laws, corporate intimidation, precarity, and political abandonment. Reversing this decline requires rebuilding collective power from the ground up.
We support strong unions, the universal right to organize and strike, and democratic control in workplaces across all sectors, including care work, education, and creative labor. Workers must have real authority over conditions, wages, and the direction of their work. Economic democracy is not a secondary demand—it is the foundation of any free society.

The political system is dominated by two parties (Republicans, and Democrats) that serve capital while competing over control of a declining status quo. Corporate money, lobbying, and elite management have hollowed out democracy, reducing participation to spectacle while decisions are made elsewhere. This false choice sustains inequality and blocks real transformation.
The Commons Revolutionary Party is built as an independent political force—accountable to people, not donors or corporations. We reject politics as hierarchy and celebrity, and instead build leadership rooted in humility, recallability, and service. Power must flow upward from communities, not downward from elites.

The idea that society cannot afford dignity is a modern myth. Since the mid-20th century, labor productivity in the United States has increased by over 250%, while real wages for most workers have stagnated since the 1970s. We now produce vastly more wealth with fewer hours of labor—yet insecurity, debt, and exhaustion have become permanent features of life for millions.
This contradiction is structural. Wealth is produced collectively, but appropriated privately. In 2025, the top 1% owns more wealth than the bottom 90% combined, while tens of millions struggle with housing instability, medical debt, and precarious employment. Scarcity is not natural—it is enforced through policy, ownership, and exclusion.
The Commons Revolutionary Party holds that what society produces together must be governed together. Essential systems must be organized around need, stability, and long-term well-being—not quarterly profits. History shows this is not utopian: when public systems have been built, living standards have risen rapidly.
Work and Livelihood:In the early 20th century, organized labor won the eight-hour workday, weekends, and child labor laws through collective struggle. These gains were not gifts—they were fought for. Yet today, over 35% of U.S. workers are classified as “low-wage,” and millions work multiple jobs while others are locked out of employment entirely.
We fight for the guarantee of meaningful work or education for all. Unemployment and underemployment are policy failures, not personal ones. Publicly directed investment can create millions of jobs in care work, infrastructure, education, and ecological restoration—fields that markets chronically underfund despite their social necessity.
Work must serve life. In 1930, economist John Maynard Keynes predicted a 15-hour workweek due to productivity gains. Instead, productivity gains were captured by owners. Reducing working hours while maintaining living standards is both possible and necessary for a humane society.
Housing:Housing crises are not new, but today’s scale is unprecedented. In the United States, there are more than 15 million vacant homes while over 650,000 people experience homelessness on any given night. Rents have risen over 30% nationally since 2020, far outpacing wages.
Historically, large-scale public housing programs—from the New Deal through postwar reconstruction—dramatically reduced homelessness and stabilized communities. These programs were later dismantled through privatization, disinvestment, and racialized policy choices.
We fight to restore housing as a public good. Safe, stable housing must be guaranteed through public, cooperative, and community-controlled models. Land and homes should exist to shelter people—not to serve as speculative assets.
Healthcare:Before Medicare and Medicaid were introduced in 1965, nearly half of Americans over 65 lived in poverty, largely due to medical costs. Within a decade, elderly poverty was cut by more than half. This was not the market at work—it was public policy.
Today, the U.S. spends over $4.5 trillion annually on healthcare, more per capita than any other nation, yet millions remain uninsured or underinsured. Medical debt remains the leading cause of personal bankruptcy.
We fight for universal healthcare free at the point of service. History shows that public systems are more efficient, more equitable, and produce better outcomes. Care decisions must belong to patients and providers—not insurers, shareholders, or political bargaining.
Education:Public education once functioned as a ladder of social mobility. In the 1960s and 70s, tuition at public universities was low or nonexistent in many states. Since then, higher education funding has been slashed while tuition has risen by over 170% in real terms, producing a student debt crisis exceeding $1.7 trillion.
Education has been narrowed into workforce sorting rather than human development. This weakens democracy, creativity, and social trust.
We fight for education as a lifelong public good—free from tuition, debt, privatization, and corporate capture. A society capable of producing abundance must also be capable of cultivating understanding, curiosity, and collective responsibility.

Systems of domination rely on division—ranking human worth by race, gender, sexuality, disability, nationality, or religion to fracture solidarity and justify exploitation. These hierarchies are embedded in institutions, not merely attitudes, and cannot be undone through symbolism alone.
We fight for material equality and collective liberation. This includes the restoration of Indigenous land, sovereignty, and self-determination, honoring treaty obligations, and opposing extraction without consent. Justice requires repair, not denial, and solidarity across all who have been dispossessed.

The climate crisis is not a side effect of capitalism—it is its logical conclusion. An economic system driven by endless extraction and short-term profit cannot coexist with a finite planet. Environmental collapse and social collapse are inseparable.
We fight for ecological stewardship rooted in science, Indigenous knowledge, and democratic planning. This means a rapid transition away from fossil fuels, protection of biodiversity, and long-term responsibility to future generations. The planet is not property—it is a shared inheritance and a shared obligation.